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Preface
Since the ratification of the
Constitution in 1788, every four years Americans have gone to the polls to
elect a president. Though convulsed by civil war and domestic strife,
economic depression and overseas conflict, the United States has never once
deviated from this tradition; and more often than not, by virtue of
America’s long-dominant two-party system, voters have registered their
preference for one of two major candidates. In the early days of the
Republic, the choice was between Federalists and Democratic-Republicans,
later Democrats and Whigs, and currently Democrats and Republicans. Other
traditions have endured as well: The electoral college remains the legal
framework of our elections, and money, in the form of campaign
contributions, continues to influence the process.
Nevertheless, the sense of permanence
and simplicity implied by these longstanding customs is not as clear-cut as
it may seem. In the early days of the republic, only property-owning white
males were allowed to vote. As our notions of equality and justice evolved,
the franchise was gradually extended, until today nearly all American
citizens over the age of 18, black or white, rich or poor, men or women, can
voice their selections through the ballot box. While the Republicans and
Democrats have maintained their preeminence for well over a century, the
parties, their core beliefs, and their constituencies have undergone major
alterations throughout their respective histories. In addition, the manner
in which candidates are selected by the major parties has changed
drastically over the years. Nominating conventions developed early in the
19th century, once important, decisive, and combative gatherings where party
insiders used to muster up delegates to support one candidate or another,
have since become staged coronations for candidates who have emerged in
prior months in state-by-state primary elections among party members. Today,
the Iowa caucus for Democrats and the Iowa straw poll for Republicans,
followed by the New Hampshire primary and subsequent state contests, decide
a party’s nominee. Though money has always been a factor in election
campaigns, with candidates buying advertisements in assorted mediums to
communicate their messages to the people, its pernicious influence has
become an issue among voters who feel that candidates have become the
servants of their contributors and not their constituents. To address this
problem, Congress passed the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform bill, a
significant renovation of the laws of political fund-raising.
This book’s first section examines the
essential framework and history of the United States’ electoral system. It
begins by exploring the evolution of voting rights in America, explaining
when and how the franchise was expanded, and then offers cases for and
against the electoral college. One highly potent outgrowth of the electoral
college examined in this chapter is the inordinate impact—particularly in
our current, politically polarized electorate—of swing states and swing
voters on national elections. On a more technical level, the chapter also
examines voting technology, including the machines and ballots currently in
use.
The dynamics of the two-party system
form the thematic framework for the second chapter. The histories of the
Republican and Democratic parties are examined with an emphasis on their
current makeup and positions on various social, political, and economic
issues. This section also explores the effects that positions and ideas
advanced by third-party candidates have had on the major parties and the
extent to which they have influenced the debate. Though a third-party
candidate has never captured the presidency, the third parties themselves
have not been entirely ineffective.
The third section analyzes the various
processes the parties have used over the years to select their presidential
nominees, providing a history of the Iowa caucus and straw poll, as well as
the New Hampshire primary and state primaries as a whole. The section also
examines the inner workings of political conventions and how they have
evolved.
The fourth chapter describes the
influence of money on political campaigns and the impact of the
McCain-Feingold finance reform bill on the process, as well as other recent
innovations, such as the increased use of the Internet in reaching out to
potential donors. In addition, arguments are proffered for and against a
proposal by which political candidates would be allowed a certain amount of
free airtime to broadcast their messages to voters via radio and television.
Proponents believe free airtime would diminish the influence of money and
fund-raising on the political process, while opponents offer a somewhat
different take. The chapter also analyzes the think tank, another means by
which money enters the political realm.
The 2004 national election may be one
of the most important in U.S. history. Consequently, the final section in
this book examines the current campaign, focusing on the races for
president, between President George W. Bush and Senator John F. Kerry of
Massachusetts; for the House of Representatives; and for the Senate.
Selected articles highlight the dynamics of the race, including how the war
in Iraq, the state of the economy, and other concerns may influence voters,
while others consider groups expected to play a decisive role in the
outcome, such as Hispanics and women, while others attempt to predict the
winners by examining corollary issues that may impact the results, such as
congressional redistricting and celebrity endorsements.
In conclusion, I would like to thank
the many periodical publishers who have so generously granted permission to
reprint their articles in these pages. I also must express my gratitude to
the many associates at the H.W. Wilson Company who helped put this book
together, especially Lynn Messina, Sandra Watson, and Jennifer Peloso.
Thanks also to Gray Young, Norris Smith, Rich Stein, Mari Rich, and Clifford
Thompson.
Paul McCaffrey
August 2004
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